THE CAMPAIGN period had witnessed a mad scramble for votes, with
each of the presidentiables claiming a certain sector's loyalty.
What, then, of a sector that comprises more than half the population?
How will the Filipino woman fare if she votes for a particular candidate?
Woman (voting) power
Since Filipino women gained voting rights in 1937, voter turnout
in national and local elections has generally been higher for women
than for men. Gender issues, however, are not usually brought to the
fore in campaign debates. Previous studies likewise revealed that
most women voters preferred to vote for male candidates. This could
be traced to the cultural bias that limits women's place in society
to the home, and that stereotype women as weaker and less capable
of governance.
Women have also been historically underrepresented in top government
positions. Although the percentage of women being elected into office
has increased slightly over the years, women occupied only 12 to 15%
of local elective posts as of 2001.
Dr. Rosalinda Pineda-Ofreneo, a faculty member of the University
of the Philippines' Women and Development program, identified three
main issues that the presidentiables' development agenda have to address:
economic empowerment of women, women's participation in key policy-making
processes, and provision of basic rights such as reproductive health
care. The candidates' attitudes towards gender issues and the responsiveness
of their platforms of government to women's needs and interests will
directly affect the economic and social status of every Filipina,
and thus deserve the voters' serious consideration.
The tough guy
Red. The power color - this is Sen. Panfilo "Ping" Lacson's
campaign motif, befitting his "kamay na bakal" (iron hand)
image.
A campaign comic book shows the teenage Ping defeating the neighborhood
bully in a fistfight. The strict and serious demeanor lent by his
military background, as well as his reputation as an uncompromising
crime and corruption buster, boosts the former Philippine National
Police Chief's "tough guy" image.
Lacson's vision of national development depends on centralized power,
and emphasizes the need for coercion and control to maintain law and
order. His campaign ads cite the experiences of other Southeast Asian
countries with authoritarian leaders to argue that an iron hand will
work where liberal policies had not.
Yet the Southeast Asian experience had also proved that strong regimes
easily give rise to human rights violations. Lacson already has a
shaky record in this area, as evidenced by the Kuratong Baleleng scandal
and other cases he was allegedly involved in during the Martial Law
era.
On the other hand, he alone among the presidentiables is in favor
of divorce, which presents as an option for victims of domestic violence
to break free from abusive marriages. He also plans to embark on a
comprehensive population management program that involves distributing
contraceptives and advocating a two-children scheme, moves that may
help promote awareness about women's reproductive health.
Despite these, Lacson subscribes to traditional beliefs about women's
limited role in politics and decision-making. In an interview with
Sunday Inquirer magazine, he jokingly says: "You know men, when
we tell our wives 'sit,' we want them to sit. Not that I'm being sexist,
but we're the men, and we like to be boss."
His stand on prostitution is especially dubious. He believes that
prostitution will simply "wither away" if the economy is
developed and jobs are created for the poor. This simplistic view
ignores the socio-cultural roots of sexual exploitation. And since
he does not propose specific measures to promote equity, it is not
clear how marginalized sectors, including women, can directly benefit
from the economic growth he promises.
One should wonder, then, if this tough guy genuinely sympathizes
with women's causes, and if his iron hand will uplift or worsen the
condition of women in our country.
The woman incumbent
For some, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is the epitome of an empowered,
well-educated woman holding her own ground in the predominantly male
world of politics. She led the senatorial race during her re-election
in 1995 and is now serving as president of the Philippines, only the
second woman to do so in the country's history. Asiaweek has recognized
her as one of Asia's most powerful women.
Yet, despite kalinga (care) being part of her platform, GMA's political
strategy does not seem to be informed by a feminine perspective. Apparently,
when she shed her trademark girlish charm in favor of a no-nonsense
image, the President also started playing by the rules of the male-dominated
system. Her support for the US' war on Iraq, intensification of military
offensives against terrorist groups, and "strong republic"
rhetoric point to reliance on "hard" power anchored by firm
political machinery.
Having served as President for almost three years, Macapagal's selling
points are her experience and clout. Her platform highlights her economic
expertise and is grounded on continuity of the programs and policies
she had already initiated during her term.
One has to recall, though, if she has indeed instituted concrete
reforms in the women's sector. In fact, some women's groups have already
closed their doors to her, disappointed that a woman president has
not done her share in advancing women's causes. With her open distaste
for modern family planning methods, she has already compromised women's
reproductive rights. She has also proclaimed her unequivocal opposition
to divorce. She takes a moralistic stance towards prostitution, declaring
that it contravenes the principle of the family as the basic unit
of society, but failing to offer any solutions to the underlying social
problem.
Macapagal-Arroyo may herself be an accomplished and outstanding woman,
but this loses meaning if she does not take an active part in empowering
other women.
The honorary woman
Among all the other presidential candidates, Sen. Raul Roco alone
enjoys the distinction "Honorary Woman," a title granted
by women's groups for his valuable contributions to pro-women legislation,
such as the Anti-Rape Law, Anti-Sexual Harassment Law, Women in Nation-Building
Act, and Child and Family Courts Act.
If elected as President, he promises to amend the law punishing women
for adultery and men for concubinage, which he said is unfairly skewed
in favor of men. He was also the first to suggest a debate among the
presidential candidates' spouses, proudly describing his wife Sonia
as a "very secure, very talented individual."
Roco's "agenda of hope" platform emphasizes education,
holistic human development and equitable distribution of resources.
The former Department of Education Secretary vows to prioritize women
and the youth in his administration's programs. He also promises to
fill half of the top government executive positions with qualified
women, which can pave the way for a greater scope of empowerment through
women's increased representation and direct participation in the policy-making
process.
Roco swears that "pimps and other victimizers of women will
be caught and punished" and that his administration will ensure
that couples are informed of the available choices for family planning
methods.
On the other hand, Ofreneo points out that there are a few more points
that Roco's pro-women stance failed to address. For instance, he still
opposes the legalization of divorce.
The evangelist
Bro. Eddie Villanueva, former activist and now leader of the Jesus
Is Lord Movement, projects a sympathetic, though neutral, image where
women's issues are concerned.
The role of his wife Adoracion ("Dory") in itself speaks
volumes. Though Villanueva is the international leader of their church,
Dory also preaches in Christian gatherings. She was also the only
woman, aside from Roco's wife Sonia, who confidently agreed to a debate
among the presidentiables' spouses.
Bro. Eddie's platform focuses on establishing a righteous government
as the basis for economic and social growth. He recognizes the crucial
role that women play in national development, stating that they will
be the "primary sectoral force" in the move towards economic
growth.
In Ofreneo's assessment, Villanueva's platform is second only to
Roco's in terms of gender-responsiveness. She noted that he is "open-minded"
and "friendly to women's concerns," but warned that he may
be constrained by religion from fully pressing for women's rights.
Villanueva adopts cautious and somewhat indefinite positions, for
instance, on divorce and family planning. He says we should "go
easy on dissolution of marriage" and "comply with moral
and legal laws" (Philippine Daily Inquirer, February 19, 2004).
Although he is in favor of population management, he does not expound
on any concrete plans in this area.
The film hero
Milking his movie-idol fame for all its worth, actor Fernando Poe
Jr. has projected himself as the Panday who will forge a new morning
("pagpapanday ng bagong umaga") for the Filipinos. As an
action star, he also sports a macho image and appeals to the masses
who are dissatisfied with bourgeois-educated intellectuals running
the show.
But apart from being a "bida", Poe also carries the image
of a womanizer, heavy drinker and troublemaker. This image is reinforced
by his admission of having sired an illegitimate child, as well as
his close association with former President Joseph Estrada, also notorious
for drinking, womanizing and engaging in brawls.
FPJ's "social covenant" platform is grounded on traditional
Filipino values like bayanihan and damayan, and aims to restore people's
trust and confidence in the government. It concentrates on basic social
services, consistent with his pro-masa image.
Part of his plan to "protect our most vulnerable sectors"
is aimed at women and children. According to his platform, he aims
to strengthen gender-equality provisions of the law and enhance measures
against domestic violence and violence against women. He does not
specify, however, exactly how he intends to go about these. Neither
is there any mention of taking more proactive steps to prevent violence
against women, such as consciousness-raising to promote gender sensitivity.
Poe's vision of development seems compatible with women's empowerment.
Yet the measures he advocates fail to go beyond welfare, at the expense
of other levels of empowerment such as women's actual involvement
in key aspects of the political process.
"There is a need to actively seek the cooperation of all sectors,
including the Church" was what he said on family planning. This
is a warning bell to women, since the Church's uncompromisingly conservative
position on artificial contraception may hinder them from fully exercising
their reproductive rights. Neither has FPJ made any definite pronouncements
on divorce.
The on-screen Panday may have valiantly defended the common people,
but as far as promoting women's rights are concerned, superhuman powers
may not really be enough to make the grade.
Ladies' choice
Information about the candidates' stands on issues that directly
affect the lives of Filipino women should help voters decide wisely
in the coming election. Although these issues have not been brought
to popular attention before, they are particularly salient now in
determining whether the next President can truly lead the Filipina
in her quest for empowerment and uphold her vital role in sustainable,
equitable national development.
