LATHALAIN
Anti-Terrorism
Act: A Prelude to Authoritarian Rule?
By Rhea Delos Santos, Bulatlat.com
Re-posted
from PMC Reports
A LAW that has
alarmed lawyers and human rights groups is being brewed in Congress,
and more frightfully, it appears to be bound for approval. The move,
the groups say, revives previous attempts to reimpose authoritarian
rule in the Philippines and silence political dissent.
Authored by
Rep. Imee Marcos, the proposed Anti-Terrorism Act evokes a scenario
of terror similar to the Marcos years. If passed, HB 3802 will allow
law enforcers to spy on suspected terrorists and gather information
from phone conversations, e-mail, and even text messages.
It will also
extend a suspect's detention from 36 to 72 hours. Because of the
Act's very broad definition of terrorism, even peaceful demonstrations
and strikes can be considered as terrorist acts.
These are just
some of the alarming provisions of the new Anti-Terrorism Act, which
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo classified as a priority measure.
Arroyo's endorsement—coupled with a perceived overt pressure
from the US government and the "war hysteria" created
by the 9-11 attacks - makes the Anti- Terrorism Act as good as a
done deal.
Terror
vs. terror
In the
House, the Committee on Justice is assigned to prepare a substitute
bill based on Congresswoman Marcos' HB 3802. Although the Act has
reportedly undergone two revised drafts, questionable provisions
raised by cause-oriented groups have remained in the bill.
One possible
flaw of the proposed Act is the definition of terrorism itself.
Lawyers of the Public Interest Law Center (PILC) say the bill defines
terrorism so vaguely that it is dangerously open for abuse. And,
as far as Bayan Muna Rep. Liza Maza is concerned, the definition
gives the state a "license to further violate human rights."
HB 3802 defines
terrorism as "an act of violence or threat thereof intended
or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public,
a particular person or a group of persons for political purposes."
The draft fails
to specify what "act of violence or threat,""state
of terror" or "political purposes" mean. Being too
broad and vague, PILC lawyers note, the definition cannot pass the
"test of constitutionality" in determining the elements
of the offense. It therefore violates the right of the accused to
know the cause and nature of his case so that he can put up a proper
defense.
The definition
clarifies one thing, though: the Anti-Terrorism Act is aimed at
labeling any action that carries a political message as "terrorism"
and the proponent as "terrorist." Because of its obvious
bias against political groups and critics, the House committee later
omitted the phrase "political purposes" in the succeeding
drafts.
The revised
draft's definition, however, still points to political groups in
identifying terrorists. It classifies as "terrorist" any
individual or group acting "to coerce or intimidate the public
or the government into granting (an organization's) demands or to
undermine the confidence of the public in the government".
This definition may very well include any protester or striking
worker exercising his freedom of speech and assembly.
Moreover, the
definition classifies as terrorist those acts that destroy civilian
or government property and interfere with important service, facility
or system. PILC lawyer Edre Olalia raises the question, "If
legitimate protests or stoppage of work result in damage to property,
are they considered acts of terrorism?"
Olalia adds
that the very vague definition of terrorism can cause danger and
confusion among ordinary citizens exercising their civil and political
rights.
"In addressing
terrorism, the bill may wrongly include recognized forms of speech,
expression and redress of grievances, as well as legal acts of protests,
peaceful assemblies, and lawful dissent," Olalia notes.
Aside from the
questionable definition, all "terrorist acts" under this
bill are already covered by present criminal laws. Some of these
are murder, kidnapping, assassination, arson, and carnapping.
Unlike ordinary
criminal laws, though, the Anti-Terrorism Act gives law enforcers
more latitude for surveillance and tactical interrogation. The proposed
draft states that law enforcers should share with other law officials
any obtained information from "the contents of any wire, oral
or electronic communication or through computer."
It further attacks
a person's right to privacy by authorizing law enforcers to probe
and freeze bank deposits if a court finds "probable cause"
that these are related to terrorist activity. The bill also allows
the detention of a suspected terrorist up to 72 hours without charges
being filed.
The mere act
of planning “terrorist attacks, harboring terrorists or financially
assisting a terrorist activity” is also automatically considered
unlawful.
Furthermore,
the proposed bill opens a floodgate for other repressive laws through
the creation of an anti- terrorist action council (ATAC). Among
other powers, ATAC is authorized to formulate policies and procedures
outside of the Act's provisions that are deemed necessary to prevent
terrorism.
All these provisions
of the Anti-Terrorism Act loom as threats to people's democratic
rights and paint a chilling picture of authoritarianism. To fight
what it perceives as terrorism, the Arroyo administration plans
to implement a bill that will terrorize people from even expressing
their political beliefs.
This situation,
critics say, is comparable to the dark years of Martial Law.
"Strong
Republic"
The present
Anti-Terrorism Act is not the first of its kind to be filed in Congress.
Anti-terrorism bills were also proposed under the Ramos administration,
including Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile's Senate Bill 1353, Sen. Orlando
Mercado's SB 264, and the controversial AO 308 or the National ID
System.
These bills,
however, were aborted after the public perceived them as part of
Ramos' tactics to restore authoritarian rule. The proposals, which
also allowed electronic surveillance, wire and cable tapping, and
the probe of bank deposits, met widespread protests that eventually
forced the administration to drop the bills.
People's groups,
therefore, see President Arroyo's endorsement of the present anti-terrorism
bill as another attempt to restore authoritarian rule. According
to Maza, the Anti-Terrorism Act actually caps what she calls the
president’s formula for a "strong republic." She
cites the lifting of the “maximum tolerance policy,”
the intensified militarization in provinces such as Mindoro and
Basilan, "red-baiting," and now, the creation of the Anti-Terrorism
Act as indications of Arroyo's iron-fist tactics to attain a republic
reminiscent of Marcos' "new society."
However, with
the "war hysteria" brought about by the 9-11 terrorist
attacks and the Abu Sayyaf kidnappings, architects and supporters
of the proposed bill may have all the more reason to have it approved
by Congress without the people being aware of its implications on
civil liberties. Like US President George W. Bush, Arroyo overplayed
the 9-11 event to justify the crafting of the Anti-Terrorism Act,
which is nearly a carbon copy of the US Patriot Act.
The Patriot
Act, which the US Congress hurriedly passed after September 11
amid protests from civil libertarians, labels as terrorism any activity
intended to intimidate or coerce a civilian population or to influence
government policy. The law is so encompassing that even animal rights
and environmentalist groups in the United States are singled out
as terrorists.
Beyond similarities
in provision and scope, both the US Patriot Act and the local
bill on terrorism are more importantly aimed at quelling resistance
from sectors of society that are critical of the government's perceived
anti-people policies. In the guise of carrying out the "war
on terrorism" and at the expense of suppressing human rights,
the Bush and Arroyo administrations arrogantly create a harsh and
autocratic environment against dissidents.
Borderless
war
Although the House Committee on Justice uses Marcos' proposal
in drafting a substitute bill, three other congressmen—Representatives
Barbers, Durano and Syjuco—have also filed their own versions
of the Anti-Terrorism Act. The proposed Act also has a Senate counterpart
filed by Senators Robert Barbers and Panfilo Lacson.
Except for Lacson's
Anti-Terrorism Act of 2001, which was filed after the Sipadan kidnapping,
all the other drafts used the 9-11 terrorist attacks as basis for
introducing the bills. But like anti-terrorism laws that other nations
drafted after the 9-11 incident, the bills filed in Congress are
not just meant to show unity after the United States declared a
borderless war on terrorism.
In truth, the
United States may have an active hand in the passage of anti-terrorism
laws in many nations. Gripped with a prolonged recession, the United
States needs to create a stable political order that will ensure
its economic influence around the world. Through local anti-terrorism
laws, groups that resist US hegemony can be easily crushed.
In Asia, the
American pressure can be seen in Washington's blatant call to remove
certain sections of the anti-terrorism treaty of the ASEAN. These
sections contain provisions that respect the principles of sovereignty,
equal treatment, and territorial integrity. In exchange, the Washington
promised technical and financial aid to help the region fight terrorism.
Recently, the
US Departments of State and Justice sponsored a seminar on anti-terrorism
legislation that was attended by representatives from Southeast
Asian countries, including the Philippines. The unmistakable agenda
to push for the ratification of anti-terrorism laws made Congresswoman
Maza to call the US-sponsored seminar a "clear indication
of US intervention in the legislation of anti-terrorism measures
in the region."
Probably the
most significant and blatant US intervention as far as passing
the anti-terrorism bill is concerned, however, is the inclusion
of local armed groups in the US list of foreign terrorist organizations
(FTO). Recently, the US State Department announced that it has
classified the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and its
armed component, the New People's Army (NPA) in its list of FTOs.
(Both CPP and NPA had been actually in the FTO list periodically.)
With a "terrorist
group" in our midst, the United States puts further pressure
on the administration to pass the Anti-Terrorism Act. And because
it brings the war on terrorism closer to home, it will most likely
influence the uninformed public to welcome the bill's passage.
This brings
the issue of the Anti-Terrorism Act to the heart of the matter.
More than indirectly classifying legitimate people's organizations
as terrorists, the proposed bill's real motive is to crush revolutionary
groups like the CPP-NPA and short-cut a solution to the internal
armed conflict.
As Bayan Muna
Rep. Satur Ocampo says, the bill is meant to go after revolutionary
forces. According to him, the government wants the bill passed to
provide basis for charging revolutionary groups with terrorism.
"There
is no law yet that defines terrorism as a crime,” Ocampo says.
“Under the Revised Penal Code, revolutionary groups like the
CPP-NPA may only be charged with rebellion." Under the proposed
bill, a penalty of life imprisonment to death may be imposed on
a convicted terrorist.
Ocampo reminds
the Arroyo administration that although the anti-terrorism bill
has yet to be passed, it had already blindly followed the Bush government’s
move to classify the CPP-NPA as a foreign terrorist organization.
This early, the government has escalated its military operations
in the countryside, especially in areas where NPA guerrillas are
active.
"The US'
classification should be disregarded because the US law does not
apply in our territorial jurisdiction," the Bayan Muna congressman
says. "That is an abuse of the government. There is no bill
yet, but there is already a mode of action."
With this, Ocampo
and other cause-oriented groups and individuals call on human rights
advocates to oppose the pending bill on terrorism. The only way
to fight terrorism, they say, is by addressing poverty and injustice
in society.
As Congresswoman
Maza says, "Terrorizing the people through a draconian law
will not eradicate, but only fuel terrorism." (PMC
Reports/Reposted by Bulatlat.com)
http://www.bulatlat.com/news/2-31/2-31-pmc.html
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